Foreword by Juan Manuel Soaje Pinto

"Argentines are not empanadas
that are eaten just by opening the mouth…”

Jose de San Martin

 

My great friend the Dr. Alberto DeVita He has given me the honor of being able to accompany with this brief prologue the second edition of his extraordinary work of historical rigor, "Malvinas 1982: how and why”, which I feel very flattered to write.

I will be very brief in my words because what is important is that the reader can enter without further ado, in the enormous investigative, informative, historical and truthful value of a host of little or nothing known aspects about the causes of the last conventional dispute of the 20th century. , fought in the South Atlantic between April and June 1982 by the Argentine Republic against the imperialist aggressions of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and its allies in NATO.

Every well-born, well-informed Argentine, lover of his country, and willing to defend it to the last consequences, can only forever recognize the enormous courage, valor, and daring of our Armed Forces in combat. Soldiers, non-commissioned officers and officers fought heroically together with the Argentine people who accompanied the feat with all conviction, decision and dedication.

It was the most important Argentine foreign policy event of the 20th century. As Cnl Mohamed Ali Seineldín – himself a brave warrior in the Malvinas – would later say, he represented a kind of hinge in the long struggle for the self-determination of peoples before the powerful of this world, which continues intact until our 21st century.

Indeed, the recovery of the Malvinas Islands triggered popular enthusiasm in Argentina and throughout Latin America, breaking 150 years of illegal occupation of a key parcel of our territory and our Argentine Sea, by a distant power whose only title has always been force, arrogance and unfair arbitrariness.

Alberto De Vita illustrates the complex sequence of events that caused the Argentine reaction to recover the Islands in April 1982. Facts almost totally unknown in all areas of Argentina, where the United Kingdom managed to "wet the ear" so that the reactive stimulus would take shape that April 2, 1982, hiring the Argentine shipowner Davidoff to dismantle an old whaling factory in the South Georgia Islands.

Consummated this kind of "geopolitical staging", they later invented an alleged display of an Argentine flag on the mast of that same factory, spreading it in the international press as an "Argentine outrage".

This premeditated action was strengthened and escalated by England with the immediate dispatch of warships and nuclear submarines to the South Atlantic Ocean, a fact that forced the Argentine government to proceed with the rapid recovery of sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands.

In this way, De Vita reveals to us the urgent need for the United Kingdom to occupy the Islands by force, among many other reasons, because its lack of legitimacy under pressure from the United Nations Decolonization Committee was by then almost untenable. own Organization of the United Nations accelerated a quick final resolution on the sovereignty in dispute, where Argentina showed its unappealable historical, political, geographical and legal possessory rights.

Thus, the Malvinas marked, on the one hand, the last conventional war of the 20th century in which two powers faced each other politically and militarily; and on the other side formed the first war of the 21st century with its enormous load of psychological warfare, lies and deceit, fields in which the British are undeniable experts.

The book that you have in your hands today should be mandatory reading for all Argentines. Until today, Malvinas has been imposed on us by the governments of the so-called “democracy” – always directly or indirectly allies with our historical enemies – as if it had been an opprobrium, a shame, a “madness…”.

It is up to us to wake up so that the Gesta de Malvinas becomes a clear and strong bell that finally awakens our battered and sleepy people towards great milestones and glories to come.

 

Juan Manuel Soaje Pinto

Executive Director,
Channel TLV1 – The Whole Truth First,
Buenos Aires, Argentina

 

Foreword by Adrian Salbuchi

"We British do not rule
to Egypt, rather we rule those
Egyptians who rule Egypt.”

Sir Evelyn Baring (1881)

 

My joy was great when Dr. Alberto De Vita invited me to preface his magnificent work on research, interpretation and conclusions, "Malvinas 82: how and why", which today it is re-edited almost 36 years after the conclusion of the first Battle of the Malvinas.

The book that you have in your hands is one of those fundamental works that every awake Argentine should read or at least know. but of course the eternal enemies of our Homeland condemn the ostracism of silence and oblivion, always applying their greatest weapon of aggression and coercion to achieve their objectives: the tremendous power of money that today decides everything. Money that they have in almost inexhaustible quantities, and that allows them to write, re-write, hide and – where appropriate – falsify the history of nations; money that our national and patriotic circles almost completely lack.

But that doesn't matter, because the ebb and flow of historical events is governed by other canons and by other underlying and silent forces that unexpectedly make a work as important as that of Dr. De Vita reappear at the right time, not only for Argentines but also for all Ibero-Americans who today - much better informed - are perceiving the arbitrary way in which the powerful of this world determine and arrange things according to their objectives and interests, mostly contrary to the common good of working peoples.

In truth, the world of 2018 is very different from the world of 1982: then the Soviet Union, the Berlin Wall and the Warsaw Pact still existed; and the Internet, iPhones, virtual reality or artificial intelligence were not dreamed of.

The first Battle of the Malvinas, fought between April 2 and June 14, 1982, in which 649 heroes of our armed forces offered their lives, fighting bravely and heroically against a vastly superior enemy, ended in resounding failure for Argentina. Not only on the military plane, which was its primary scenario, but – much more important – in the secondary and indirect field of politics, geopolitics, the media of social communication and the economic-financial. Well, although on that fateful June 14, 1982 the military hostilities against our country by Great Britain, the United States and their allies ceased, the war by other means in the aforementioned planes it continued and continues to this day. We could almost say that in the last thirty-five years it has gained the profile of a "total war" against our country, according to the canons of the asymmetric warfare of the 21st century.

June 14, 1982 was a doubly black day: we lost the military battle and Great Britain gave the initial kick in a war field in which they are experienced and expert masters: psychological warfare.

This has had devastating consequences for our country since it marked the beginning of what by all accounts we can only describe as the defeat, surrender and capitulation of Argentina as a Sovereign Nation. Contemporary universal history gives us plenty of examples that show that every nation defeated in the military field by England is then subjected to an insidious war of social, economic and psychological dissolution that ends with the territorial fracture and the disarticulation of its social and political fiber.

Just as the “allies” Great Britain, the United States, and France did with Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire in 1919, to every country defeated by Anglo-American arms their “Versailles treaty” is imposed. In an open and rather crude way in the cases of the great defeated of 1918 and 1945 who were militarily occupied and territorially and socially fractured to never rise again according to their proud traditions; in a more "subtle" way in the more "benign" case of Argentina defeated in 1982.

In fact, for reasons of geopolitical strategy and military logistics agreed between London and Washington, the "Argentine Versailles" did not take the form of a direct military occupation, since this would have created a continental and global scandal in those years of "bipolarity" this -west. Rather, they applied a complex and insidious engineering consisting of identifying, associating and transforming the traditionally most accommodating sectors of Argentine society, into a sort of formally “democratic” Praetorian Guard, which since December 10, 1983 “occupies” our country, guaranteeing Anglo-American interests and the permanent vulnerability and weakness of our nation.

This reality can be verified in the fact that the entire Argentine political spectrum under the so-called "democracy" - from the left to the right - have only differed in their positions on secondary and domestic issues, more in the axes that make the Geopolitics and sovereignty have maintained an almost total alignment and subordination with the demands of the factual powers that impose their will in the West. We see this in the criminal and systematic Argentine unilateral disarmament; in the catastrophic internal and external public indebtedness; in the destruction of the educational system and – perhaps the worst – in the submissive acceptance of sub- and anti-cultural and unnatural impositions imposed from outside that aim to destroy the very heart of Argentina: Family, Homeland and Religion. It is the toxic process that some have come to call the "demalvinization" of the Argentine people.

To this true Argentine "Versailles" in our latitudes as baptized by Dr. Julio Carlos González ([1]), it was given the name “democracy”, which strictly speaking constitutes a cruel hypocrisy and lie, since it hides its true face: For 35 years the Argentine Republic has been occupied and usurped by what can only be described as a "moneyocracy", in which all politics, the parties, their star politicians, and candidates are controlled by those who control and direct huge sums of money: local and foreign companies, lobbies at the service of foreign powers and economic-financial sectors, power and clash groups, drug traffickers, immensely wealthy families, large and quasi-monopolistic multimedia, and – last but not least – Huge fortunes from 35 years of corruption of this blessed “democracy” (both officials who “received” and businessmen who “gave”). 

Taking this "paradigmatic leap", it becomes easier to understand that in a "moneyocracy" like the one we suffer today in Argentina, those who have the power to channel gigantic financial flows are those who impose the agenda of the "great national debates"... and they make sure that certain vital issues for our interests and future never or rarely appear before “public opinion”.

It is then understood how, thanks to this vast and complex financial engineering focused in favor of certain political parties, star politicians, economists, journalists-opinologists, analysts, candidates and "celebrities"of all sorts, Characters of a very low intellectual, moral and personal merit level could rise to the highest levels of public power.   Characters who have prostrated our country to the point of leaving it today practically "sunk" in political, geopolitical, financial, social and military terms.

We could almost say that the tragic sinking of the submarine “ARA San Juan” on November 15, 2017 with its 44 martyrs who today lie at the bottom of the Argentine Sea off the coast of the Argentine Patagonia, It is a true symbol and metaphor of our afflicted Homeland with its 44 million inhabitants, which since 1982 has suffered an agonizing shipwreck and today is about to sink completely into the raging sea of global geopolitics.

In his work, Dr. De Vita recounts details that are practically unknown to us Argentines who today carry the immense burden of 36 years of Anglo-American psychological warfare, which has disrupted and upset our vision of the events of that first Battle of Malvinas, and of the serious geopolitical dangers that lie in wait for us today. All kinds of demoralizing myths and fables were imposed: “the boys of the war” as if they had been children instead of brave combatants; "the madness of Malvinas" as if defending the territory and National Honor were a kind of madness. Thus the ruling political lodge in this dinerocracy, supplanted Argentina by subordination to the well-known "investors", "privatizers" and technocrats – always with their absurd, labyrinthine and misleading explanations: Cavallo, Sturzenegger, Prat-Gay, Daniel Marx, Melconian, Dujovne, Lavagna and the rest of the “Brancaleone army” that provides “technical” support to the great “Debt Party” Pública” which has governed for 36 years.

which degenerates boy scouts, they are always at the service of a disastrous system whose "CEO's" are well known: from Alfonsín to Macri it is no coincidence that the former called the Malvinas Gesta "an atmospheric tank" and the latter admitted not understanding "this sovereignty thing... ”.

For this reason, in the face of so much insult, so much poison, so much toxic, hateful and insidious verbiage, the work of Dr. De Vita is a breath of fresh air that makes enormous contributions to a better understanding of hidden reality behind everything that was the epic first Argentine Battle for recover sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands, and therefore - I insist - its re-edition in the year 2018 is very timely.

De Vita describes in a sequential, clear and significant way how the British Foreign Office, together with the Royal Navy and the entire government of the then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher artfully, perversely, intelligently and effectively maneuvered to make the Galtieri-Anaya-Lami Dozo Military Junta will “step on the stick”, being forced to take very specific, disorderly and untimely measures before the British military aggression aimed at forcibly evicting the team of the Argentine contractor Constantin Davidoff from the South Georgia Islands, after the British authorities themselves authorized him to carry out disassembly operations of a whaling facility.

Here is the direct trigger of the decision of Buenos Aires to recover the Malvinas Islands that April 2, 1982.

Beyond the details, causes, reactions, truths and rights of the case, the United Kingdom had in those days fundamental power factors vital in any successful war action such as the world press, the springs of diplomacy, treaties and military alliances of reciprocal obligations, its great influence in the United Nations whose Security Council has been one of the five permanent members for 72 years along with two key allies – the United States and France – which as a whole guaranteed to be able to maintain a dominant position, in addition to its formidable air forces.

In those days, key sectors of power within Great Britain needed and demanded an air-naval war in the Malvinas for different reasons: the British Navy due to the danger posed by the progressive deactivation of its surface fleet in the face of strategic changes in NATO that favored a British submarine fleet to the great sadness of the honorable admirals; Prime Minister Thatcher urgently needed to breathe new life into her flagging government with rock-bottom popularity ratings; while arms companies, banks and transatlantic allies were very interested in winning huge arms contracts of various kinds. Lastly, to the think tanks (brain banks) on both sides of the Atlantic, were interested in a conflict of this type to better position themselves in our region before the already planned next geostrategic stage of the Anglo-American alliance.

Well, already then a mega-strategy aimed at ending the former Soviet Union “peacefully” was being hatched, following the recommendations of Zbigniew Brzezinski ([2]), ideologue of the Trilateral Commission that just seven years later would be crowned with success with the fall of the Berlin Wall and, shortly after, the disappearance of the Soviet Union itself. Both made up the sine qua non condition to declare “globalization”, essential stage to consolidate the privatization of power and move towards an eventual privatized World Government.

The Military Junta did not see all these details, did not understand them – it probably did not even imagine them! – when he made the decision to recover the Malvinas Islands. They did not understand the internal logic of the traditional Anglo-American alliance; they did not understand his renewed strategy of dominance in the South Atlantic; they did not understand the strategy of engineering the controlled implosion of the former Soviet Union; they did not see that already foreseeable "globalization" that would be imposed on the entire world from 1991.

Yes, as my granny used to say, “for sample a button is enough”Let us point out then that General Leopoldo Galtieri and his comrades faced Great Britain and the United States having two key members of his cabinet – Foreign Minister Nicanor Costa Mendez and Economy Minister Roberto Alemann – who were founding members of the CARI – Argentine Council for International Relations: a think tank founded a few years earlier in June 1978 to consolidate, design and implement Anglo-American geostrategic and geoeconomic interests in Argentina, according to the guidelines issued by the mother organization of CARI, the CFR - Council on Foreign Relations ([3]).

Formed in 1919 to establish the "new world order" post-Versailles after the First World War, the New York CFR designs, plans and controls the most convenient strategies for Anglo-American interests, operating jointly with other similar private entities, notably its London sister organization, the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs).

The lowering of the founding line of CARI in Buenos Aires was given in June 1978 by none other than Henry Kissinger – himself a member of the CFR and the Trilateral – who was visiting our country, according to what was officially said, to attend the Championship of the 1978 Soccer World Cup.

The writer of these lines had the opportunity to talk with General Galtieri in 1984, and when pointing out that waging a war having two key ministers who were members of an organization aligned with, and controlled by, the Enemy, practically guaranteed Argentine failure, to which that the General nodded bitterly. But that was at the end of 1984, and for Argentina it was already too late, because at that time we were already “living in a democracy…”.

The work that you have in your hands touches on some of the fundamental points that make geopolitical action and the conflict between nations. They are governed not only by military, political, diplomatic, economic, media and financial power relations, but also by more subtle factors such as psychological warfare, pressures - the soft power and leverage that Americans talk so much about – and, of course, because of the keen ability to understand the mentality of the Enemy and its explicit and implicit motivations; short and long term; admitted and hidden; both the openly declared and the unspeakable.

This implies understanding the real risks that a conflict policy with a powerful enemy implies. Unfortunately, our military then – and to a large extent today's too – They do not receive professional geopolitical training that allows them to understand all these factors from a position focused on the Argentine and continental National Interest.

They confuse the technical and professional with the strategic and political: no one doubts that the Anglo-American military institutions are of the highest level in the military-technical sphere, and many of our officers have been trained directly or indirectly in those schools, but in the political and geopolitical tend to exert an effect of deformation.

For this reason, the military groups of the last 35 years after Alfonsín ended up believing that Argentina "has no hypothesis of conflict", apart from drug trafficking, organized crime and "terrorism", which are the three main areas of internal security that interest the United States and its allies regarding our region.

Of course, all this is understandable: no military institution, university or powerful NGO based in the United States, the United Kingdom, Israel or the European Union has the objective of teaching the course of "Defense of the Argentine and Ibero-American National Interest".

And that's understandable, because That is a pending issue and the responsibility of Argentines and Ibero-Americans, not theirs.  If we don't wake up to this reality, then we don't have to wait for our adversaries to shake us and destroy us.. What's more: from his point of view, the longer we remain asleep…. better for them!

This very succinctly explains the catastrophic decline of post-Malvinas Argentina.

We close this brief Prologue, recalling a wise recommendation from Sun-Tzu in the War art:

 

“If you know your enemy and you know yourself, you will be victorious in all battles;

If you know yourself, but you don't know your enemy, for every battle won you will lose another;

If you don't know your enemy or yourself, then you will lose every battle."

 

Clearly, our political and military leaderships today fall into the third of these categories. But not so the Argentine People, who instinctively maintain a historical lucidity, although they still need a full awakening to understand that the first enemy they must defeat is the one that today occupies and usurps Argentina, a consequence of the moneyocracy imposed on our country. country after Malvinas. Well, when the enemy is inside your own house, It's no use locking the door.

 

Adrian Salbuchi,

Founder, Second Republic Project / PSR,

February 2018

 

Clarifications:

([1]) Last legal and technical secretary of the Perón government between 1973 and 1976. See his magnificent work, "The peace treaties for the Malvinas War: unemployment and hunger for Argentines" (Córdoba, 2004, Ediciones del Copista ).

([2]) Ideologue of the Trilateral Commission, a think-tank formed in 1973 by powerful interests and organizations – megabanks, multinationals, universities, multimedia, billionaire families – aligned with the Rockefeller and Rothschild dynasties to coordinate their broad interests and global objectives in United States, United Kingdom, European Union and Japan, with their respective allies and vassal states.

([3]) We have "baptized" the powerful and highly effective Council on Foreign Relations as the "brain of the world" in a work of the same name: "The brain of the world: from globalization to world government" (Córdoba, 5th Ed. , 2010, Copyist Editions).